RUSSIAN ECCLESIASTICAL MISSION.

Second Part.

BY J. DUDGEON, EsQ. M. D.

This paper consists of additional information regarding the siege of Albazin, drawn chiefly from Chinese sources. Nothing of this has before appeared in English, except Gerbillon's account, which may be found in extenso in the translation of Du Halde. The recent work of Sabir in French, On the Amoor, will also be briefly noticed. The whole is so interesting and throws such a flood of light upon those early transactions between the two great Empires of the East, that we are certain the reader will forgive us for dwelling thus minutely on the fortunes of Albazin, the key to the present position of Russia and the Greek Church in China, just as a similar event hereafter to be mentioned, and in a precisely similar manner, led to the admittance and present position of Russia, in Persia.

In the Memoirs of the St. Petersburgh Geographical Society Vol. XII, there is a description of Manchuria from Chinese (Mantchu) sources by Professor Wassilyeff. At the end of the same, there is a translation of the Memoirs of a Chinese concerning the Mantchu city Ningula, written by the son of an exile, who was transported thither by Kangxi in the year 1658. The following relating to Russia is taken from this Memoir:

"I began five years ago to learn and I could already understand the Shijing (book of Odes), when at this time the people from the country Luosha [1] 罗刹, revolted and came to the Wulongjiang 乌龙江, [2] and in the land of the Heijiang robbed the natives of their sables. Their country extends 10,000 li (3 li= 1 English mile) to the East. They have green deep-sunk eyes, straight-noses, and red hair. They are as brave as tigers and shoot with certainty. Their weapons are frightful. They have cannons, which are "called 西瓜炮 Xiguapao (Water melon guns) because the balls resemble water melons. They hit very surely at a distance of several li upon the enemy's position where they explode. Whoever is hit, is infallibly killed. The Mantchus were struck with terror. The Jiangjun 将军 (military Governor) sent a report to the Emperor and begged assistance. The order came to collect together all the exiles, up to the age of 60 years, to choose out from these 200, who were accustomed to the sea and to exercise them in naval tactics. Besides this, 32 Imperial farms were to be formed, where stores of grain and straw up. When the military Governor received knowledge of this, he gathered the exiles together in his yamen and spoke as follows.—"The Government has supported you these many long years at its expense and you have had, I believe, no hard labour to perform. At present, the enemy threatens, quite unexpectedly, the frontiers, and the Emperor orders you to ward off the danger. You can choose between the three services, as sailors, farmers and as labourers on the farms. In three days bring me your answer."

When the exiles heard this they were moved and the military Governor also wept.

A French book entitled Le fleuve Amoûr, by C. de Sabir, 1861, throws additional light on this subject. The author, a Frenchman, in the service of Russia, was long in Siberia and spoke Russian as well as he did French. His work is very correct and compiled from Russian sources. He informs us that in 1682 a company of Russians went out from Albazin and established a fort at the continence of the river Amgun with the Dukitchan. In 1683 Gregor Mylnik with 67 Cossacks was sent to this fortress to relieve the garrison. In the neighbourhood of Aigun he was surrounded by 300 Mantchus and along with a part of his people was taken prisoner and later conducted to Beijing, where he laid a project before the Emperor for building Russian mills and manufacturing soap. In 1684, Kangxi sent the following edict to the garrison of Albazin with two of these Russian prisoners, accompanied by two mandarins:

"The great and powerful Emperor of the mighty and glorious land sends this edict in the 22nd year of his illustrious reign to the governor of Albazin. I am great and renowned in the world and I am to every man, good and merciful like a father to his children. I govern peacefully and attack none. But you have broken into my country and driven out my subjects and destroyed their trade in sables. You have received Gantiraur [3] and his comrades among you and have produced revolution on my frontiers. Therefore I send a large army against you in order to compel you to give up your bad intentions, to forsake my territory and give up my Gantimur, who has gone over to you and concerning wbom I have several times written and especially besought Nicola,[4] that you should send all those of my subjects back, who have gone over to you. You have not esteemed my request but have persevered in your earlier conduct. Last year you in a malevolent manner enticed Ordighy and his companions belonging to my tribute-bound Tunguses and Daurs,[5] who carried on sable hunting, into a house and there burned them. If you do not return to order, I will send my general with a numerous army against you. I have ordered him to build forts on the Amoor, Zeya and their tributaries and to prevent your navigation on these rivers. I have ordered him to attack you and to take you prisoners whenever he shall meet you. But beforehand I try to bring you under my sceptre with kindnesses, and at the same time promise you an honourable treatment and recompense. Your countrymen, 30 in number, who last year, as they were sailing down the Amoor in the neighbourhood of the river Bystrya fell in with my army and surrendered, were well treated by me and no one punished. From among these people I now send two, viz , Michel and Ywan to carry this edict to you, which is written in Mongol and Mantchu, and accompanied by a Russian translation. Send me back your answer through these same people and come yourselves to me or send a delegate. He shall be maintained on the way at my expense. Fear nothing. May the Governor of Albazin take knowledge of this edict given in the 22nd year of my reign."

It is not said that the Russians answered this kind edict, but Sabir (p. 20) mentions that the Chinese in consequence compelled Albazin to capitulate in 1685, and that at the invitation of the Emperor 25 men with the priest Maxim Leontyeff declared themselves in favour of going to Beijing. The others returned to Russia.

A very complete description of the war with the Russians—much more ample than that given in the Russian annals—is found in the biography of the Mantchu General Langtan, who commanded the Chinese troops in this war. The Russian Sinologue Leontyeff translated this biography of Langtan from the Mantchu into the Russian language, at the end of the preceding century. The following is an extract from this Russian translation, to which some characters from the Chinese text 郎坦列传 (Langtan liechuan) are added and also some remarks.

In the 8th month of the 21st year of the reign of Kangxi (September 1683) a high official, by name Langtan, was sent to the country of the Daurs and Solons, under the pretence of hunting deer, but in reality, the design of the mission was to study the situation of the Luosha in Yakesa[6] (雅克萨 in the Chinese text, Albazin.) The Emperor gave him personally the following instructions:

"The Luosha forcibly entered the district of the Heilongjiang (Amoor) robbed and killed our hunters. I sent my troops against them, but they effected nothing. Many years have since passed away, and the number of the Luosha increases on the Amoor. I order thee and those who shall accompany thee, that thou shall raise, besides the soldiers which thou shall take along with thee from the Capital, in Korchin (Eastern Mongolia) 100 men, and in Ninguta (宁古塔 in Mantchuria) 80 men. When thou arrivest at the Daurs and Solons,[7] thou must immediately despatch a courier to Nibuchu (尼布楚, in the Chinese text, Nertchinsk) to spread abroad the report that thou art come on account of hunting. From this, thou shouldest, while thou, on the way, makest preparations for hunting, betake thyself to the Amoor and then advance towards Yakesa, and with all foresight study the Luosha, their customs and means of defence. I am convinced that they will not venture to attack thee. If they offer thee provisions, accept of them and make them return-presents. But if they attack thee thou must in no case take to arms nor kill them, but thou must withdraw thyself. This is my war plan. On thy return thou must sail down the Amoor until thou reach the village Essoori. Having arrived there, send people to Ninguta in order to make out which is the shortest way thither."

After the Emperor had so spoken, he took from his shoulders the costly fur and presented it to Langtan.

After Langtan had accomplished what the Emperor ordered, he presented in the llth month the following report:

"We betook ourselves from Merghen and the country of the Daurs to Yakesa, which we reached in 10 days. Upon our way we met with no mountains difficult of ascent, but the whole land is covered wilh impassable forests. According to our idea, it is impossible in carts or with heavy goods, to travel over this region; in winter there is a great snowfall, in summer the earth is saturated by the violent rains and turns into morass. In our return journey we sailed down the Amoor and reached the city Aihu (爱滹 in the Chinese text, Aigoon, celebrated for the treaty of 1858) in 15 days. We found that from this place to Yakesa larger ships could proceed without difficulty. The banks allow of towing. A rider can go from Aihu to the mouth of the Songhuajiang (Sungari) in 30 days. Vessels take three months to it. The road is long, but there is the advantage of being able by it to transport direct, cannons, war material and provisions to Yakesa. To conquer Yakesa and the other forts of the Luosha seige trains are indispensable. The cannons could be had from Mukden."

In consequence of this report, the Emperor issued the following edict:

"I share completely in the view of Langtan that 3000 soldiers will be enough with which to besiege the Luosha. Still I would prefer not to commence hostilities, for war is a great misfortune. On this account I order for the present, 1500 troops to be collected in Ghirin-oola and Ninguta, ships, camions and guns to be prepared, and the troops to be exercised. Everything shall finally be concentrated in two places, viz., Sahalien-oola (on the A moor, South of the present Blagoweshtshenk) and in Khumar (a place at the mouth of a tributary of the Amoor of the same name, North of the preceding.) Here redoubts are to be built. The supply of provisions must come through the Imperial farms in the province of Ghirin-oola. It is easy here to procure 12,000 sacs of millet. That will suffice for 3 years. The city Sahalien-oola is 5 days' journey from Hulunbei'er (呼伦贝尔 Hurunpir in Dr. Williams' Map) the capital of the Solons. I order a station to be established between these two points. Cattle and sheep can be forwarded from Hulunbei'er."

Hereupon the Luosha kept themselves quiet for some years on the Heilongjiang. In 1685 however they suddenly broke in upon the country of the Orotch'ones and Solons. The Emperor therefore appointed Langtan as Commander in chief of the troops and associated with him also several generals. Over and above this, he issued the following edict:

I order, that if, after the arrival of Langtan's army before Yakesa, the Luosha give themselves up, even if they have previously attempted a fight, Laugtan must neither kill nor in any way punish them. He must by this opportunity say to them that the Emperor, the Ruler of all lands and peoples, is a merciful and good Prince, who desires not their death for the outrages which they have committed. Such a severe act, would be against Ina sympathizing heart. He wishes only that his frontiers should remain free of the Luosha.

On the 20th of the 5th month (June 1685) the troops reached Khongomo, and sent, as the Emperor had ordered, a summons to capitulate, to the Governor of Yakesa, Erkeshi (额里克舍 Elikeshi in the Chinese text, Alexis Tolbuzin). On the 22nd the army approached nearer Yakesa and on the same day, the commander of the fortress was sent for and the orders of the Emperor were communicated to him. This was without effect. The Luosha relying upon their strength even answered offensively. Langtan resolved immediately to reconnoitre. Early on the morning of the 24th, 40 Luosha were observed in a boat on the river, endeavouring to reach Yakesa. All were massacred, because they would not deliver themselves up. Women and children to the number of 15 were taken prisoners. On the same day preparations were made for building a wall to the south of Yakesa. Another division of the army was secretly planted to the North of the city in order to bombard it. At the same time a third division embarked to attack Yakesa on the South East. This battle which lasted 24 hours had no result. When Langtan saw that he could not take the city by storm, he ordered dry wood to be laid at the bottom of the wooden wall and to be set fire to. Then the Luosha were afraid and delivered themselves up. Their capitulation was accepted according to the orders of the Emperor. Six hundred of them requested permission to return to their own land. This desire was granted. Erkeshi and his people bowed most lowly when the Imperial favour was communicated to them. They were accompanied by a Chinese detachment as far as the river Erguni (Argun.) A certain Wassili (巴什里 Bashili, in the Chinese text,-the priest Wassili Leontyeff) with 45 of his companions, their wives and children, returned with this escort. Moved by our great generosity they wished to remain the subjects of our magnanimous Emperor. Langtan accepted the proposal and thereupon ordered Yakesa and all the other settlements of the Luosha to be burned.

In the year 1687, a Luosha by the name of Okshonko, was taken prisoner, and from him, it was learned that the Luosha had rebuilt Yakesa and cultivated the land in the neighbourhood. When the Emperor heard of this, he ordered, in the 4th month, Langtan and others, to raise troops. At the audience-leave, he gave Langtan the following instructions:

"In this distant expedition which thou undertakest, thou must carry on this work with great circumspection. On arriving at Yakesa try first to persuade them to surrender. Say to the Luosha that thou standest at the head of a great army. Say to them, that when they shall be subdued after a battle, not one single individual shall remain alive. After Yakesa is conquered, thou must march upon Nibuchu (Nertchinsk) in order to bring to an end there, all affairs with the Luosha. Return then to Yakesa in order to winter there. The city is not to be burnt. The grain also on the field, is not to be destroyed, but must be reaped as soon as it is ripe."

On the 3rd day of the 5th month (June 1687) the troops arrived at Sahalien-oola and on the 14th at the station Mendigen. Langtan, after he had held a council of war, concluded to divide his army. The one half was to betake itself on the Amoor, to Yakesa, the other half to go by land. On the same day they captured a reconnoitring party of four Luosha. On the 28th they reached Yakesa, placed themselves under cover, in a pine forest, and sent to the Luosha, a summons to submit. But these answered at once with a brisk cannonading and made a sortie. After a hard fight, Langtan finally seized the piece of land which is separated from the river by the city, and commenced hereto build a bastion. At last they succeeded in killing Erkeshi (Alexis Tolbuzin) the chief of the Luosha. The enemy as often as he made sorties in order to conquer our batteries was invariably driven back. Just as Langtan wished to undertake a great storming of the city, for the Luosha ceased to make any more sorties, suddenly there came a courier from the Emperor, with the orders to raise the seige. The Chaghanhan (in Mantchu the white king, in the Chinese text 察罕汗, Russian Emperor was so called in Mantchu) when he saw, that he was not in a position to battle with us, had sent an ambassador to the Emperor with the news, that he had submitted and that an ambassador would be sent to settle the frontiers. Langtan, when he heard this, withdrew his troops and took up a position of observation. This happened in the 10th month (November 1687).

On the 11th day of the 11th month, the chief of the Luosha, by name Beidun (Beithon, the brave defender of Albazin) sent one of his soldiers to request provisions. Langtan granted them and transmitted them by one of the Chinese officers who at the same time received the order, to convince himself of the position of the Luosha in Albazin. He reported that Beidun was dangerously ill, and that altogether there were now only 20 Luosha in Albazin, and all sick.[13]

In the 4th month of the 26th year (May 1688) our troops withdrew still further from Albazin. Beidun requested permission to cultivate the land in the environs of Yakesa, which was refused him. On the 21st day of the 7th month (August 1688) Langtan received the Imperial order to withdraw with his troops to Ninguta.

In the 3rd month of the 28th year (April 1689) it was learned that the white Khan of the Luosha, had sent an ambassador by name Feodor ( Feiyaoduoluo in the Chinese text, Feodor Golovin) who was to arrive in Nibuchu in spring. The Emperor appointed Langtan and other high dignitaries, to repair thither. One part went with troops by land; another with cannons and war material by water, and by way of the Amoor. On the 10th day of the 6th month (July 1689) the Embassy arrived at Nibuchu. We encamped on the right bank of the river. On the 16th the first conference with the Luosha took place. It was agreed upon to carry on the negotiation upon a plain, 5 li distant from Nibuchu and from our position. Tents were erected on this spot. The discussions began. The Chinese delegates explained that from the earliest time, the river Lena had formed the boundary between the two countries, and it ought so to remain. Feodor, however, would not agree to this and the negotiations remained fruitless for several days. Langtan then went with his troops, secretly in the night across the river and settled in the forest in the vicinity of Nibuchu (with the object of blockading it.) The Russians had observed this movement and on the following day (supposing that their terms were rejected) were inclined to accept of our proposals. So originated the treaty which holds good to this day.

On the 26th of the 7th month (September 1689) Langtan took leave, and received from Feodor a sealed letter, which ordered the Luosha in Yakesa to leave the city. On the 7th of the 8th month he arrived in his boats before Yakesa, and ordered everything to be destroyed, which took three days to accomplish. Thereupon they gave to the Luosha, ships, bread, money and to their chief Beidun, who came to thank Langtan, some presents. When Langtan dismissed the Luosha, he addressed them, and referred especially to the immeasurable magnanimity which the Emperor had shown towards them. The Luosha took off their caps, bowed lowly, had tears in their eyes, and then withdrew.

On the 21st of the 5th month of the 29th year (June 1690) Langtan by order of the Emperor, proceeded to the river Ergune (Argun) and set up at its mouth (junction with the Shilka) a monument upon which an inscription in Mantchu, Chinese, Mongol and Latin was engraved.[8]

A fuller and minuter account of the treaty of Nertchinsk, and all the negotiations connected therewith, is found in Du Halde than exists in the Russian annals. We shall briefly refer to those portions only of Gerbillon's narrative who as is well-known played an important part as translator in these conferences which tend to throw light upon Albazin. The reader who wishes to consult the first and second journeys of Gerbillon and Pereira will find them in Du Halde Vol. II. English edition, and an excellent summary of the same in the Chinese Repository, Vol. VIII p. 417. The substance of the following remarks are taken from the German Edition 4th Part.

After Russia liad informed the Chinese Emperor that the Czar was willing to enter into a treaty of peace, Kangxi sent an Embassy consisting of two mandarins and the two Jesuits, mentioned above, to the river Selenga 1688. They never reached this point, because just at this time the Eleuths and Kalkas were at war and the country was unsafe. They returned, but sent the letter to the Muscovite Delegates the substance of which was given at the conclusion of the first paper, (Chinese Recorder, p. 146.) The letter was translated into Latin by Gerbillon.

Although the Chinese had taken possession of Yakesa, after they had been unreasonably and unrighteously attacked by Alexis Tolbuzin, when they came to kindly adjust the differences, as already detailed in this paper and had provided horses, guns, and provisions for those Russians who wished to return to their own country and had promised to treat with groat consideration all who wished to proceed to Beijing, yet notwithstanding all this kindness on the part of the Chinese, they returned in the following autumn, and rebuilt the fortress destroyed by the Chinese, robbed their hunters and penetrated with their soldiers even to Houmari, where they hid in ambush and carried away 40 of their people.[9] This obliged the Chinese general once more to besiege Yakesa, witli the view solely of getting the faithless Alexis Tolbuzin once more into their hands in order to punish him. Just as they were about to take possession of the fort, reduced to the last extremity, the Russians sent a man Nicephorus,[10] who informed the Chinese, that a plenipotentiary from Moscow had been despatched who would conclude a peace with them. The Emperor on hearing this was so gracious as immediately to send a courier who travelled night and day to order that the siege of Yakesa should be raised. Later another officer, called Stephanus[11] was sent, to enquire at what place they wished to conclude the peace. The Emperor was so greatly pleased with the intention of the Czar, because it was so reasonable, that he ordered his delegates to repair to the river Selenga where the Russians then were. On account of the war which had then broken out between the Eleuths and Kalkas, they could not advance further, and therefore sent a letter, the substance of which we have just given, and awaited an answer. One thing additional they added, which I have not seen in the English translation of this letter in Du Halde, viz., that the neighbourhood of Yakesa durst not be cultivated by the Russians, nor must they disturb the native hunters. The Chinese troops received orders to destroy at once the grain which they sowed. After this the embassy returned to Beijing.

Gerbillon further relates that on the 23rd May 1689, there came to Beijing a delegate,[12] who brought a letter from the Moscovite plenipotentiary, in which the Emperor was desired to naine a place on the frontiers, for the peace negotiations. The answer named Nibuchu as the place of conference.

This commissioner was a well educated man, who, during the short time he was at Court, had earned the reputation of being intelligent and a man of sense. He and his people, to the number of 70, were rather badly clothed. He visited the Jesuits with permission of the Emperor. They received him at the porch of their church in which he prostrated himself after the Muscovite fashion out of reverence to the pictures which stood upon the altar. They received him to a repast, at which he conducted himself politely and showed much judgment and wit. They believed him to be either a Dutchman or an Englishman, for his language had nothing Muscovitish about it. He could read French fluently. They refused some presents of sables which he wished to make to the church.

Soon after the return of Gerbillon and Pereira from their first journey to the Russian frontiers, Kangxi again ordered them to proceed in June 1689 through Mongolia, direct to Nertchinsk, in company with the Chinese land expedition against Albazin. Their names however are not mentioned in the Chinese account. When they returned, Gerbillon states that the Emperor was greatly pleased and said that the peace negotiations had been effected through their care and diligence.

After a journey of six weeks, the Chinese embassy reached Nibuchu, and pitched their tents, with their numerous followers, at some distance from the frontiers, where they waited 14 days for the arrival of the Russian plenipotentiary, Golowin.

Although both the Chinese and Russians had brought with them some thousands of troops, and both sides were distrustful of the other in the highest degree, nevertheless Gerbillon succeeded in pacifying both parties. The Chinese greatly afraid of a surprise had posted soldiers on the banks and near the place of conference, although opposed to the agreement with the Russian delegates, that they should remain only on board the boats. The Chinese were then ignorant of the Law of Nations, which makes the person of an ambassador sacred. These were their first peace negotiations with any nation.

Gerbillon relates that the Russians had a Polish Theologian for interpreter, with whom he spoke in Latin. Repeated conférences took place, because they could not come to terms as to what should be the permanent boundary. The Russians insisted then upon what they now enjoy, viz., the Amoor as their boundary. The maneuvre already related brought the Russians to terms. At last therefore through the interposition of Gerbillon, the conferences came to a close in the the well-known treaty of Nertchinsk, 27th August 1689 in which the Russians gave up the Amoor aud Albazin. The little river Gerbitza or Kerbetch (which runs West from Nibuchu into the Shilka) and the Argun were resolved upon as the boundary in that region.

This treaty gave the Chinese all the lands East of Argun and shut out the Russians from the navigation of the Amoor—an irreparable loss for their Siberian possessions. This river and its tributaries served as a means of easy communication between their Eastern and Western possessions and its utility as regards the cultivation of a country so capable, cannot be estimated.

It is worth mentioning at the present time, in view of the revision of treaties with foreign powers, that Russia brought up the question of titles at these conferences, and wished them introduced into the treaty. They were anxious that the Czar's titles should be written at length or in brief, and that no terms, expressive of superiority on the part of either Emperor should be used; and secondly that ambassadors on both sides should be treated honourably and should be obliged to make no mean submission—should deliver their Masters' letters into the respective Emperors' own hand, and that they should be at full liberty where they reside, even at the capital itself; and thirdly that there should be free commerce. The Chinese ambassadors, of course alleged their ability to deal with the first two points, but the third, although they scrupled to insert it in the treaty,saying that a matter of such small consequence was not proper to be joined with the weighty affair of the regulation of the limits.

J Dudgeon.

Beijing, 18 Jan. 1871.

(To be continued.)